Timeline of the life of Autochthonous People
Over time biassed labeling and perceptions were the cause of a lack of understanding of the human condition and of the genetic variety of the worlds first peoples. Today's Autochthonous people have the opportunity to challenge perception and labeling by others. Our intention with this timeline is to go beyond the roots of racism, classism and the false narratives projected on many of the world's first tribes, people's and cultures.
Do we know our past? Can we improve the human condition? Can we intelligently and calmly cipher information amongst each other while being honest? Let's start the discussion with our timeline.
16th Century Depictions of Autochthonous peoples
Original South Americans -The Incas
The Inca, who called themselves the Tawantinsuyu – ruled an empire extending from Ecuador to central Chile, their capital was called Cuzco/Cosco. The Inca were a Peruvian highland warrior people. The king of the Inca Empire was called the Sapa Inca (emperor), or simply Inca.
The race of the Inca, as well as the Holy Roman Emperors, who later came to rule them during the reign of Charles V, has long been in contention. Two old paintings with provenance in Peru, answers both questions definitively. ↓
Estevanico (c. 1500-1539) was one of the first native Africans to reach the present-day continental United States. He is known by many different names, but is commonly known as Esteban de Dorantes, Estebanico and Esteban the Moor or Mustafa Zemmouri. Enslaved as a youth by the Portuguese, he was sold to a Spanish nobleman and taken in 1527 on the Spanish Narváez expedition to establish a colony in Florida. He was one of four survivors among 300 men who explored the peninsula. By late 1528 the group had been reduced to 80 men, who survived being washed ashore at Galveston Island after an effort to sail across the Gulf of Mexico.
He traveled for eight years with Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, Andrés Dorantes de Carranza, and Alonso del Castillo Maldonado across northern New Spain (present-day U.S. Southwest and northern Mexico), reaching Spanish forces in Mexico City in 1536.
Later Estevanico served as the main guide for a return expedition to the Southwest. Spaniards believe that he was killed in the Zuni city of Hawikuh in 1539. That is only speculative, however, because the two Indians who reported back to Friar Marcos de Niza did not see him killed but only assumed he had been. He is considered a discoverer of New Mexico.
Estevanico was sold into slavery in 1522 in the Portuguese-controlled Berber town of Azemmour, on Morocco's Atlantic coast. Some contemporary accounts referred to him as an "Arabized black"; or "Moor", a generic term often used for anyone from North Africa. Diego de Guzmán, a contemporary of Estevanico who saw him in Sinaloa in 1536, described his skin as "brown".
He was raised as a Muslim, but because Spain did not allow non-Catholics to travel to the New World, some historians believe he converted to Roman Catholicism, though these claims remain dubious. He was sold toAndrés Dorantes de Carranza a Spanish nobleman.
North American explorer
Dorantes took Estevanico as his slave on Pánfilo de Narváez's expedition of 1527 to colonize Florida and the Gulf Coast. Many books claim Estevanico became the first black person from Africa known to have landed in the present continental United States, but he wasn't the first. Juan Garrido, a free African from Angola, was in Florida as early as 1513 with Ponce de León. After failed efforts to locate villages with gold near present-day Tampa Bay and numerous attacks by Native Americans, the diminishing party slaughtered their horses, melting down metals and making five boats to try to sail across the Gulf of Mexico to reach the main Spanish settlement. The boats wrecked off the coast of Texas, and 80 men started overland. At times survivors were enslaved by Native Americans. Eventually only Estevanico, Dorantes, de Vaca and Castillo remained alive. The four spent years enslaved on the Texas Gulf Islands.
In 1534 they escaped into the American interior, contacting other Native American tribes along the way as they moved west into the Southwest. The acts of all four as faith-healers appeared to have helped them with the Indians, who told them about rich native cities to the north. The party traversed the continent as far as western Mexico, into theSonoran Desert to the region of Sonora in New Spain (present-day Mexico), where they were found by a slave-hunting group of Spaniards.
In Mexico City, the four survivors told stories of wealthy indigenous tribes to the north, which created a stir among Spaniards in Mexico. When the three Spaniards declined to lead an expedition, Estevanico was sold or given to Antonio de Mendoza, the Viceroy of New Spain. He used Estevanico as a guide in expeditions to the North.
In 1539, Estevanico was one of four men who accompanied Friar Marcos de Niza as a guide in search of the fabled Seven Cities of Cibola, preceding Coronado by a year. Estevanico traveled ahead of the main party with a group of Sonoran Indians. He was instructed to communicate by sending back crosses to the main party, with the size of the cross equal to the wealth discovered. One day, a cross arrived that was as tall as a person, causing de Niza to step up his pace to join the scouts. Estevanico had entered the Zuni village of Hawikuh (in present-day New Mexico). He had sent a gourd. The Zuni reportedly killed him and expelled the Mexican Indians with him from the village. After seeing this, De Niza quickly returned to New Spain.
Some historians suggest the Zuni did not believe Estevanico's story that he represented a party of whites, and that he was killed for demanding turquoise. Roberts and Roberts write that "still others suggest that Estevan, who was black and wore feathers and rattles, may have looked like a wizard to the Zuni." Both theories are speculation.
Juan Francisco Maura suggested in 2002 that the Zunis did not kill Estevanico, and that he and friends among the Indians faked his death so he could gain freedom from slavery. Some folklore legends say that theKachina figure, Chakwaina, is based on Estevanico.
Estevanico is recorded by different names, in the Portuguese, Spanish, Arabic and English languages, in a variety of historic works. Among the most common are Arabic: إستيفانيكو; "Mustafa Zemmouri" (مصطفى زموري), "Black Stephen"; "Esteban"; "Esteban the Moor"; "Estevan", "Estebanico", "Stephen the Black", "Stephen the Moor"; "Stephen Dorantes" and "Esteban de Dorantes," after his owner Andres Dorantes; and "Little Stephen". The names "Estevanico" and "Estebanico" are the diminutive of his actual Spanish name of "Esteban"—the diminutive being how Spaniards referred to a child affectionately or to a slave condescendingly.
16th Century Quotes on Autochthonous Peoples in the Carolinas
The complexion of the Carolina Indians is Black, Not much different from that of the Ethiopians. Their hair is Black and thick, and not very long, tied back behind the head like a small tail. As for the physique of these men, they are well proportioned, of medium height, a little taller than we are. They have broad chests, strong arms, and the legs and other parts of the body well composed. They’re broad in the face and have big black eyes. They have a sharp cunning and are agile and swift runners.”
— ITALIAN EXPLORER, GIOVANNI DA VERRAZZANO 1524
Geneva Bible Printed in 1599 in reference to Moors
18th Century Depictions of Authochthonous peoples
18th Century Articles
Mexicans of African Descent Established Los Angeles on This Day in 1781
The Los Angeles Pobladores, or “townspeople,” were a group of 44 settlers and four soldiers from Mexico who established the famed city on this day in 1781 in what is now California. The settlers came from various Spanish castles, with over half of the group being of African descent.
Governor of Las Californias, a Spanish-owned region, Felipe de Neve called on 11 families to help build the new city in the region by recruiting them from Sonora and Sinaloa, Mexico. According to a census record taken at the time, there were two persons of African ancestry, eight Spanish and Black persons, and nine American Indians. There was also one Spanish and Indian person, with the rest being Spaniards.
According to the efforts of historian William M. Mason, the actual racial makeup of the pobladores was perhaps more racially balanced than not. Mason wrote that of the 44, only two were White, while 26 had some manner of African ancestry and that 16 of the group were “mestizos” or mixed Spanish and Indian people.
Black Mexicans Luis Quintero and Antonio Mesa, the only two named on the 1781 census, married mixed women and bore several children between them.
The pobladores founded the city “El Pueblo de Nuestra Señora La Reina de los Ángeles sobre el Río Porciúncula” (Spanish for The Town of Our Lady Queen of the Angels on the Porciuncula River) that day, after some priests found the area 10 years prior. Another historian, Dr. Antonio Rios-Bustamante, states that Los Angeles’ original settlers were even more mixed than the census stated, but was that African, Indian and European ancestry was a hallmark.
In Los Angeles, the El Pueblo de Los Angeles State Historic Park honored the pobladores in the 1950s with a plaque, but it was mysteriously removed. In a Los Angeles Times report, it was suggested that the removal of the plaque was racially motivated. However, in 1981 during the city’s bicentennial, the plaque (pictured) was replaced.
From George Washington to Sidi Mohammed, 1 December 1789
To Sidi Mohammed
[New York, 1 December 1789]
Since the Date of the Letter, which the late Congress, by their President, addressed to your Imperial Majesty, the United States of America have thought proper to change their Government, and to institute a new one, agreeable to the Constitution, of which I have the Honor of, herewith, enclosing a Copy. The Time necessarily employed in this arduous Task, and the Derangements occasioned by so great, though peaceable a Revolution, will apologize, and account for your Majesty’s not having received those regular Advices, and Marks of Attention, from the United States, which the Friendship and Magnanimity of your Conduct, towards them, afforded Reason to expect.
The United States, having unanimously appointed me to the supreme executive Authority, in this Nation, your Majesty’s Letter of the 17th August 1788, which, by Reason of the Dissolution of the late Government, remained unanswered, has been delivered to me.1 I have also received the Letters which your Imperial Majesty has been so kind as to write, in Favor of the United States, to the Bashaws of Tunis and Tripoli,2 and I present to you the sincere acknowledgments, and Thanks of the United States, for this important Mark of your Friendship for them.
We greatly regret that the hostile Disposition of those Regencies, towards this Nation, who have never injured them, is not to be removed, on Terms in our Power to comply with. Within our Territories there are no Mines, either of Gold, or Silver, and this young Nation, just recovering from the Waste and Desolation of a long War, have not, as yet, had Time to acquire Riches by Agriculture and Commerce. But our Soil is bountiful, and our People industrious; and we have Reason to flatter ourselves, that we shall gradually become useful to our Friends.
The Encouragement which your Majesty has been pleased, generously, to give to our Commerce with your Dominions; the Punctuality with which you have caused the Treaty with us to be observed, and the just and generous Measures taken, in the Case of Captain Proctor, made a deep Impression on the United States, and confirm their Respect for, and Attachment to your Imperial Majesty.3
It gives me Pleasure to have this Opportunity of assuring your Majesty that, while I remain at the Head of this Nation, I shall not cease to promote every Measure that may conduce to the Friendship and Harmony, which so happily subsist between your Empire and them, and shall esteem myself happy in every Occasion of convincing your Majesty of the high Sense (which in common with the whole Nation) I entertain of the Magnanimity, Wisdom, and Benevolence of your Majesty.
In the Course of the approaching Winter, the national Legislature (which is called by the former Name of Congress) will assemble, and I shall take Care that Nothing be omitted that may be necessary to cause the Correspondence, between our Countries, to be maintained and conducted in a Manner agreeable to your Majesty, and satisfactory to all the Parties concerned in it.
May the Almighty bless your Imperial Majesty, our great and magnanimous Friend, with his constant Guidance and Protection. Written at the City of New York the first Day of December 1789.
DS, owned (1992) by the Forbes Magazine Collection, New York, New York; Df,NNC; LB, DLC:GW; copy, DNA: RG 59, Ceremonial Letters. Credences. This letter is addressed “To our great and magnanimous Friend, His imperial majesty, the Emperor of Morocco.”
Sidi Mohammed (d. 1790) came to the throne of Morocco around 1757. One of the most enlightened of Morocco’s eighteenth-century rulers, he was concerned with expanding his country’s commerce with other nations. Less successful were his attempts to mitigate Morocco’s draconian system of justice. As early as the 1770s Sidi Mohammed had made friendly overtures to the United States although he was discouraged by the failure of the Continental Congress to respond. By 1786, however, he had signed a liberal treaty of friendship with the United States.
1. DNA:PCC, item 88.
2. Copies of both of these letters were included in Sidi Mohammed’s letter to Congress of 17 Aug. 1788. The letter to the Bey of Tunis has not been found, but an Italian translation of the letter to the Basha of Tripoli is in DNA:PCC, item 88.
3. For the case of Captain Proctor, see Giuseppe Chiappe’s letter of 18 July 1789.
1790: FREE MOORS PETITION: COMMITTEE REPORT
Edward Rutledge reported from the committee on the petition on the same day and the House agreed to the report, which read as follows Vizt: "They have Considered the same and are of opinion that no Law of this State can in its Construction or Operation apply to them and that persons who were Subjects of the Emperor of Morocco being Free in this State are not triable by the Law for the better Ordering and Governing of Negros and other Slaves."  Because the report was not forwarded to the state Senate for concurrence, it did not have the force of law but served as an advisory opinion offering the sense of the House.The report was later published in the Charleston City Gazette and the Charleston State Gazette of South Carolina.
State Records of South Carolina. Journals of the House of Representatives, 1789-90. Michael Stevens, Christine Allen: Pub. for SCDAH by USC Press: ©1984 SCDAH'House Journal. pp. 373-74
Charleston City Gazette, January 28, 1790, and the Charleston State Gazette of South Carolina, February 1 and 4, 1790.
20th Century Depictions of Authochthonous peoples
20th Century Articles
Racial Integrity Act
Walter Plecker Era
HON. JAMES P. MORAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, February 17, 2011
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Speaker, today I am introducing the Thomasina E. Jordan Indian Tribes of Virginia Federal Recognition Act. This is the sixth time I have introduced legislation that would grant federal recognition to six Indian tribes in Virginia: the Chickahominy, the Easter Chickahominy, the Upper Mattaponi, theRappahannock, the Monacan, and the Nansemond. Similar measures passed the House and the Senate Indian Affairs Committee during the 110th and 111th Sessions of Congress. Unfortunately, both measures were ultimately defeated when the objections of a few Senators were not overridden. The impasse in Congress and the demeaning and dysfunctional acknowledgment process at the Bureau of Indian Affairs only compound the grave injustices this legislation seeks to redress. It also compels me to continue this cause and reintroduce this legislation today.
The injustices extend back in time for hundreds of years, back to the establishment of the first permanent English settlement in America at Jamestown. For the Members of these tribes are the descendants of the great Powhatan Confederacy who greeted the English and provided food and assistance that ensured the settlers’ early survival. Four years ago, America celebrated the 400th anniversary of the settlement of Jamestown. But it was not a celebration for Native American descendents of Pocahontas, for they have yet to be recognized by our federal government.
Unlike most Native American tribes that were officially recognized when they signed peace treaties with the federal government, Virginia’s six Native American tribes made their peace with the Kings of England.Most notable among these was the Treaty of 1677 between these tribes and King Charles II. This treaty has been recognized by the Commonwealth of Virginia every year for the past 334 years when the Governor accepts tribute from the tribes in a ceremony now celebrated at the Commonwealth Capitol. I had the honor of attending the one of what I understand is the longest celebrated treaty recognition ceremony in the United States. The forefathers of the tribal leaders who gather on Thanksgiving in Richmond were the first to welcome the English, and during the first few years of settlement, ensured their survival.
Had the tribes not assisted those early settlers, they would not have survived. Time has not been kind to the tribes, however. As was the case for most Native American tribes, as the settlement prospered and grew, the tribes suffered. Those who resisted quickly became subdued, were pushed off their historic lands, and, up through much of the 20th Century, were denied full rights as U.S. citizens. Despite their devastating loss of land and population, the Virginia tribes survived, preserving their heritage and their identity. Their story of survival spans four centuries of racial hostility and coercive state and state-sanctioned actions.
The Virginia tribes’ history, however, diverges from that of most Native Americans in two unique ways. The first explains why the Virginia tribes were never recognized by the federal government; the second explains why congressional action is needed today. First, by the time the federal government was established in 1789, the Virginia tribes were in no position to seek recognition. They had already lost control of their land, withdrawn into isolated communities and stripped of most of their rights. Lacking even the rights granted by the English Kings, and our own Bill of Rights, federal recognition was nowhere within their reach.
The second unique circumstance for the Virginia tribes is what they experienced at the hands of the Commonwealth government during the first half of the 20th Century. It has been called ‘‘paper genocide.’’ At a time when the federal government granted Native Americans the right to vote, Virginia’s elected officials adopted racially hostile laws targeted at those classes of people who did not fit into the dominant white society, and with fanatical efficiency, altered and destroyed the records of Virginia’s Native Americans. Virginia’s political elite sought to expunge the records of anyone other than themselves who could hold the claim that they were the descendent of Pocahontas.
Pocahontas’ marriage to John Rolfe created an uncomfortable circumstance for John Rolfe’s descendants who populated Virginia’s aristocratic elite and who maintained that all non-whites were part of ‘‘the inferior Negroid race.’’With great hypocrisy, Virginia’s ruling elite pushed policies that culminated with the enactment of the Racial Integrity Act of 1924. This act directed Commonwealth officials, and zealots like Walter Plecker, to destroy Commonwealth and local courthouse records and reclassify in Orwellian fashion all non-whites as ‘‘colored.’’ It targeted Native Americans with a vengeance, denying Native Americans in Virginia their identity.
To call oneself a ‘‘Native American’’ in Virginia was to risk a jail sentence of up to one year. In defiance of the law, members of Virginia’s tribes traveled out of state to obtain marriage licenses or to serve their country in wartime. The law remained in effect until it was struck down in federal court in 1967. In that intervening period between 1924 and 1967, Commonwealth officials waged a war to destroy all public and many private records that affirmed the existence of Native Americans in Virginia. Historians have affirmed that no other state compares to Virginia’s efforts to eradicate its citizens’ Indian identity. All of Virginia’s state-recognized tribes have filed petitions with the Bureau of Acknowledgment seeking federal recognition. But it is a very heavy burden the Virginia tribes will have to overcome, and one fraught with complications that officials from the bureau have acknowledged may never be resolved in their lifetime.
The acknowledgment process is already expensive, subject to unreasonable delays, and lacking in dignity. Virginia’s paper genocide only further complicates these tribes’ quest for federal recognition, making it difficult to furnish corroborating state and official documents and aggravating the injustice already visited upon them. It was not until 1997, when Governor George Allen signed legislation directing Commonwealth agencies to correct their records, that the tribes were given the opportunity to correct official Commonwealth documents that had deliberately been altered to list them as ‘‘colored.’’ The law allows living members of the tribes to correct their records, but the law cannot correct the damage done to past generations or to recover documents that were purposely destroyed during the ‘‘Plecker Era.’’
In 1999, the Virginia General Assembly adopted a resolution calling upon Congress to enact legislation recognizing the Virginia tribes. I am pleased to have honored that request, and beginning in 2000 and in subsequent sessions, Virginia’s Senators and I have introduced legislation to recognize the Virginia tribes. There is no doubt that the Chickahominy, the Eastern Chickahominy, the Monacan, the Nansemond, the Rappahannock and the Upper Mattaponi tribes exist. These tribes have existed on a continuous basis since before the first European settlers stepped foot in America. They are here with us today. But the federal government continues to act as if they do not.
I know there is resistance in Congress to grant any Native American tribe federal recognition. And I can appreciate how the issue of gambling and its economic and moral dimensions has influenced many Members’ perspectives on tribal recognition issues. The six Virginia tribes are not seeking federal legislation so that they can build casinos. Under this legislation, they cannot engage in gaming. The bill prohibits gambling on their lands. They find gambling offensive to their moral beliefs. They are seeking federal recognition because it is an urgent matter of justice and because elder members of their tribes, who were denied a public education and the economic opportunities available to most Americans, are suffering and should be entitled to the federal health and housing assistance available to federally recognized tribes.
To underscore this point, the legislation includes language that would prevent the tribes from engaging in gaming on their federal land even if everyone else in Virginia were allowed to engage in Class III casino-type gaming. In the name of decency, fairness and humanity, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation and bring closure to centuries of injustice Virginia’s Native American tribes have experienced.
An Act to Preserve Racial Integrity
Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Virginia, That the State Registrar of Vital Statistics may as soon as practicable after the taking effect of this act, prepare a form whereon the racial composition of any individual, as Caucasian, negro, Mongolian, American Indian, Asiatic Indian, Malay, or any mixture thereof, or any other non-Caucasic strains, and if there be any mixture, then the racial composition of the parents and other ancestors, in so far as ascertainable, so as to show in what generation such mixture occurred, may be certified by such individual, which form shall be known as a registration certificate. The State Registrar may supply to each local registrar a sufficient number of such forms for the purpose of this act; each local registrar may personally or by deputy, as soon as possible after receiving said forms, have made thereon in duplicate a certificate of the racial composition as aforesaid, of each person resident in his district, who so desires, born before June fourteenth, nineteen hundred and twelve, which certificate shall be made over the signature of said person, or in the case of children under fourteen years of age, over the signature of a parent, guardian, or other person standing in loco parentis. One of said certificates for each person thus registering in every district shall be forwarded to the State Registrar for his files; the other shall be kept on file by the local registrar.
1. Every local registrar may, as soon as practicable, have such registration certificate made by or for each person in his district who so desires, born before June fourteen, nineteen hundred and twelve, for whom he has not on file a registration certificate, or a birth certificate.
2. It shall be a felony for any person wilfully or knowingly to make a registration certificate false as to color or race. The wilful making of a false registration or birth certificate shall be punished by confinement in the penitentiary for one year.
3. For each registration certificate properly made and returned to the State Registrar, the local registrar returning the same shall be entitled to a fee of twenty-five cents, to be paid by the registrant. Application for registration and for transcript may be made direct to the State Registrar, who may retain the fee for expenses of his office.
4. No marriage license shall be granted until the clerk or deputy clerk has reasonable assurance that the statements as to color of both man and woman are correct. If there is reasonable cause to disbelieve that applicants are of pure white race, when that fact is stated, the clerk or deputy clerk shall withhold the granting of the license until satisfactory proof is produced that both applicants are "white persons" as provided for in this act.
The clerk or deputy clerk shall use the same care to assure himself that both applicants are colored, when that fact is claimed.
5. It shall hereafter be unlawful for any white person in this State to marry any save a white person, or a person with no other admixture of blood than white and American Indian. For the purpose of this act, the term "white person" shall apply only to the person who has no trace whatsoever of any blood other than Caucasian; but persons who have one-sixteenth or less of the blood of the American Indian and have no other non-Caucasic blood shall be deemed to be white persons. All laws heretofore passed and now in effect regarding the intermarriage of white and colored persons shall apply to marriages prohibited by this act.
6. For carrying out the purposes of this act and to provide the necessary clerical assistance, postage and other expenses of the State Registrar of Vital Statistics, twenty per cent of the fees received by local registrars under this act shall be paid to the State Bureau of Vital Statistics, which may be expended by the said bureau for the purposes of this act.
7. All acts or parts of acts inconsistent with this act are, to the extent of such inconsistency, hereby repealed.
Alexander Francis Chamberlain, A.M., Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Clark University...says: "In some regions considerable intermixture between negroes and Indians (Science, New York, Vol. XVII, 1891 pp. 85-90), has occurred, e.g., among the Pamunkeys, Mattoponies, and some other small Virginia and Carolinian tribes." "It is also thought probable that many of the negroes of the whole lower Atlantic coast and Gulf region may have strains of Indian blood." This probably accounts for the increasing number of negroes who are now writing to our Bureau demanding that the color on their birth certificates and marriage licenses be given as "Indian."
The Amherst-Rockbridge group is the most notable example.
The nationality and contributions of the Moorish Americans were recognized by the Texas Senate May 2015.
Courtesy of the Moorish Science Temple of America - Temple 7 in Houston, Texas
In May of 2015 AD, The nationality and contributions of the Moorish Americans were recognized by the Senate of the State of Texas thanks to the efforts of Members of the Moorish Science Temple of America - Temple 7 in Houston, Texas. Texas itself is mired in Moorish History and the Resolution was Unanimously passed.
3rd Century Century Depictions of Autochthonous peoples
⟵ Example of a Totonaca painting, Veracruz State, Mexico. Totonaca Civilization, 250 BC-900 AD.
13th Century Dipiction of Autochthonous peoples
Mo‘ai, are monolithic human figures carved by the Rapa Nui people
Moai , or Mo‘ai, are monolithic human figures carved by the Rapa Nui people on Easter Island in eastern Polynesia between the years 1250 and 1500 CE.
17th Century Depictions of Authochthonous peoples
17th Century Reconstruction in Madrid, Espania
Written in 1671 this book gives a full account of the Americas and its inhabitants.
19th Century Depictions of Authochthonous peoples
19th Century Acknowledgements of Early Moorish Americans as Reported by Stephan Bonsol Jr .
Commentary by Mr. Kaon-Jabbar East El
The term "Moorish American" existed as far back as the late 1800s via 1893 publication of "MOROCCO AS IT IS: WITH AN ACCOUNT OF SIR CHARLES EUAN SMITH'S RECENT MISSION TO FEZ" authored by Stephan Bonsal, Jr. viewable at the following national archive link:https://archive.org/stream/moroccoasitiswit00bons…
(pg.258, line 2) Chapter 15 apportioned Title page "...MOORISH AMERICANS..."
(pg.266, line 18) "Swani men and the MOORISH AMERICANS..."
(pg.269, line 21-22) "...this strange MOORISH AMERICAN companion of mine."
(pg.270, line 3-4) "...and my companion this time was a MOORISH AMERICAN."
Since, Prophet Noble Drew Ali was born in 1886 A.D., The Prophet was "7 YEARS OLD" during the 1893 publishing year of said text, and (by no strange happenings) 7 is the number of Perfected Man and/or 7 equals Spiritual Perfection (by no strange happenings).
The fact of The One Man (Prophet Noble Drew Ali) who would 35 years later (1928) INTERNATIONALLY POLITICIZE the term "Moorish American" as a bonafide NATIONality, was the divinely numbered age of "7 YEARS OLD" during the 1893 publishing year, can be considered a divine omen of sorts (by no strange happenings).
Though the term "Moorish American" existed in 1893, the term "Moorish American" was NOT YET a political identifier (i.e Nationality) to represent an actual nation of Asiatic people yet; until 35 years later via the 10/17/1928 MOORISH SCIENCE TEMPLE OF AMERICA parade in Cook County, Chicago, IL., USA. "Our nationality in this government began with the parade." ~Prophet Noble Drew Ali (Oral Statements, No.241)
The fall season of that same year (1928), Prophet Noble Drew Ali presented both: (1) the MOORISH AMERICANS as a nation of people to The World at the international "1928 Pan-American Conference" in Havana, Cuba and (2) the MOORISH SCIENCE TEMPLE OF AMERICA (theocracy) as THE ONLY MOORISH ENTITY that represented, represents, AND WILL REPRESENT all "lawful" Moorish Americans.
Question 14. of the Questionaire for Moorish American Children, "Why are we Moorish Americans? Because we are descendants of Moroccans and born in America." ~Koran Questions for Moorish Americans
19th Century India
19th Century Articles
Story by: Ava Gabrielle, Contributor
Before He Was President: Abraham Lincoln And The Man Who Refused To Be Called ‘Negro’
“My client is not a Negro, though it is a crime to be a Negro” Abraham Lincoln, Esq., 1855
Family feuds can get ugly. For as long as people have been getting married and starting families, they have been feuding. Today, it is more common for family members to turn to the courts to settle their differences, but it has been happening throughout history. More than 2,000 years ago, Paul the Apostle admonished new followers of the Messiah in the church at Corinth to refrain from taking their brethren in the faith to court. “Dare any of you, having a matter against another, go to law before the unjust...?”
In 1855, Joseph Spencer was feuding with his sister’s husband, William Dungey. As is often the case with family feuds, things took an ugly turn when Spencer accused his brother-in-law of being a “negro.” Even today some non-U.S. born people consider it an offense to be mistaken for being a black American. Despite the fact that many immigrants also trace their ancestry back to the African continent before the travesty of the slave trade, many are emphatically opposed to the idea being stripped of their ethnonational identity upon arrival in the United States. For them, to be recognized as an American ‘black’ person is a reference to the loss of ethnic identity, an experience with which they refuse or cannot identify.
The experiential reality today is born out of the legislative reality of yesterday. When Joseph Spencer accused his brother-in-law of being a negro, it was more than just an insult. In 1855 if believed by local officials, an accusation of being called ‘negro’ would have resulted in the loss of his marriage, property and his right to continue to live in the state of Illinois. Just two years earlier, the Illinois legislature passed the “Black Codes” following a directive of the 1848 state constitution to “pass such laws as will effectively prohibit free persons of color from immigrating to and settling in this state.” The legislators not only prohibited free persons of color from immigrating to the state, but continued to build on the precedent established by other states by declaring that “one-fourth negro blood defines a mulatto, or makes a black man.”
“Now we know actually what a black person is he may be the offspring of an African, or be the child of a person purely of European extraction, with another European whose father or mother was an African.” ― Zebina Eastman, “The Illinois Black Codes”
William Dungey had no choice but to respond to what he considered to be a slanderous act. His brother-in-law had dubbed him “Black Bill” and it was causing him harm. In October 1854 Dungey retained 46 year-old attorney Abraham Lincoln to respond to his brother-in-law’s libel. In April 1855, Lincoln filed suit against Spencer and after some legal wrangling, a hearing was set for the following May. Spencer’s attorneys, Clifton H. Moore and Lawrence Weldon, immediately went out to build their case against Dungey which was set for October 1855. They traveled back to Dungey’s home town of Giles County, TN to depose people who claimed to know his family.
Lincoln was prepared with a defense that memorialized his superior legal mind, elevated the complexity of the social construct of race and emphasized the criminalization of being a negro or black person in the United States. Despite his client sitting in court with the face of a black man with a light complexion, Lincoln’s argument was simple, Dungey was not negro. He was not black because his ancestral origins were of Portuguese descent, not the ambiguous, non-specific ancestry of being negro or black.
“My client is not a Negro, though it is a crime to be a Negro–no crime to be born with a black skin. But my client is not a Negro. His skin may not be as white as ours, but I say he is not a Negro, though he may be a Moore.” Mr. Lincoln interrupted Judge Davis, scarcely able to restrain a smile, “You mean a Moor, not Moore.” “Well, your Honor, Moor, not C.H. Moore,” replied Mr. Lincoln, with a sweep of his long arm toward the table where Moore and I sat. “I say my client may be a Moor, but he is not a Negro.”
Slavery still in full effect in much of the nation, Lincoln was not seeking to absolve all people with skin that might be misinterpreted as black of the “crime” of being negro. He was simply drawing a distinction that one who could identify their ancestral origins of something other than black, to a specific culture, people group or nation was not subject to the same statutes that governed those who were or had been marred with the shameful badge of blackness. Despite the defendant’s claim that the white community in Dungey’s home town considered he and his family to be “negro,” or of “mixed blood,” Lincoln pointed out that no one who lived within 30 miles of the plaintiff was present to testify to that effect. Lincoln drew the distinction that not only was Dungey not negro or black, but that he quite possibly was of Moorish ancestry, by way of his Portuguese descent that would account for his skin tone but separate him from the domesticated amalgamation that defined those who were still in or who had emerged from the bonds of American captivity.
Scholarship on the ethnic origins of the Moors is quite broad, but most agree that the Moorish people are themselves an amalgamation of 7th century of North African Arab, Sub-Saharan and West African descent who migrated to Spain and then Portugal over the next 7 centuries. By the 15th century, the African slave trade in full swing, Portuguese colonies were thriving in South America and by the 16th century they were arriving in North America. This was also the peak of the Ottoman Empire, which found reluctant allies in the slave trade with the European states. The result of this difficult alliance resulted in the early arrival of Turks in the “new world.” By the late 17th century, the first English colony of Virginia was faced with the daunting task of trying to reconcile and take census of the many people groups that it found in the region as it set it sights toward legislated enslavement of people with visible volumes of melanin.
In November 1682, legislation was passed that forged all “Negroes, Moors, Mollattoes or Indians” into a new ‘racial classification’ of Negro, “all servants except Turkes and Moores”. Again, the scholarship is quite broad on the reasoning for this distinction, but some point to unspoken agreements with North African rulers during the Ottoman Empire that in later years would be codified in a series of treaties known as the “Barbary Treaties”. The treaties, dated from the late 18th century through the near mid 19th century, set forth a number of agreements that provided certain civil and religious protections to those who arrived in early America from northern Africa. Lincoln was no doubt familiar with this distinction and sought to rely on this legislative precedent to make the case for his client, “I say my client may be a Moor, but he is not a Negro.” Lincoln won the case, with prejudice.
In the years to come, due to the effects of mass homogenization of ethnicities with melanin and the decline and eventual fall of the Ottoman Empire, the distinction between the legislated class of people recognized as negro and those who received legislative protection from being identified as negro was lost to history. In America, if you have melanin you are black unless like Lincoln, you can find some compelling argument for why you are not. Lincoln’s friend, editor of the Chicago Magazine and author of “The Illinois Black Codes,” Zebina Eastman said, “What an awful inference used to come from this idea of color! The devil is made black; in Africa, the devil is white.”